China, India agree to disengage forces after deadly Himalayan clash
Statements released by Chinese and Indian authorities has said that both countries have agreed to mutually disengage from the disputed Himalaya region after a brawl between soldiers from both sides led to the death of at least 20 Indian soldiers. The deadly skirmish took place on June 15 after unsuspecting Indian troops encountered Chinese soldiers at the Ladakh region of the Galwan Valley where the Indians believed Chinese soldiers shouldn’t have been present.
According to the Indian Army, “commander-level talks ... were held at Moldo,” where both sides reached a constructive and amicable understanding to pull out of the region. The mutual agreement was achieved at the first meeting between military commanders from both countries since the Galwan Valley deadly brawl on June 15. Indian military personnel said the Chinese were armed with clubs embedded with nails and barbed wire and hunted down fleeing Indian soldiers on the mountain sides. The fight had reportedly lasted for about six hours and, Indian soldiers said, the Chinese side outnumbered Indian soldiers 500 to 100.
India had announced that 20 of its soldiers died but China still hasn’t released any official casualty figures. China is believed to go as far as erasing casualty information from their records. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said he believes China lost no less than forty soldiers due to the Galwan Valley skirmish. However, a spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Zhao Lijian, denied the claims of India’s Prime Minister. “I can tell you responsibly that it is false information,” he said at a daily briefing.
Zhao confirmed that both sides had a fruitful talk over the incidence and has agreed to “take necessary measures to cool down the situation.” On June 15, 20 Indian soldiers were killed in physical fights with Chinese troops in the Galwan Valley close to the disputed Aksai Chin plateau claimed by India. It was the deadliest clash between the nuclear-armed neighbours in decades, although China has not said whether it suffered any casualties. The Galwan River is to the west of China's 1956 claim line in Aksai Chin. However, in 1960 China advanced its claim line to the west of the river along the mountain ridge adjoining the Shyok river valley. Meanwhile, India continued to claim the entire Aksai Chin plateau.
The assessment from U.S. intelligence reveals that China ordered the bloody skirmish in the contested border region last week. Gen. Zhao Zongqi, head of the Western Theater Command and among the few combat veterans still serving in the People's Liberation Army, approved the operation along the contested border region of northern India and southwestern China, an anonymous source familiar with the assessment told the US News. Zhao, who has overseen prior standoffs with India, has previously expressed concerns that China must not appear weak to avoid exploitation by the United States and its allies, including in New Delhi, the source says, and saw the faceoff last week as a way to "teach India a lesson."
Thursday, 25 June 2020
Tuesday, 23 June 2020
Mission Unaccomplished: 5 Times U.S. Special Forces Couldn't Get The Job Done
High risk, high reward missions sometimes end in failure.
The United States Special Forces are primarily soldiers with a high degree of physical and mental prowess, who are then selected for intensive trainings geared towards the capacity to achieve objectives that other soldiers simply cannot. Due to the high level of optimism and faith in this specially trained armed forces which may lead to misjudgments of tasks and underestimation of missions, the highly esteemed US Special Operations Forces (SOF) have encountered several failures and defeat. The United States of America has experimented with SOFs since World War 2. The high faith and optimism vested on the US Special Forces, though taken with a pinch of salt by civilians, are well-earned. The exploits and successes of SOFs are well known and documented, more recently the capture and assassination of Osama bin-Laden in Pakistan. However, the Special Forces unit of the US military sometimes draw the ire of personnel from US mainstream military who feel that the regular branches of the army lose their best human capital to the Special Forces unit, and the likelihood of SOFS enjoying better training resources. There has also been concerns over the cost to the army and the nation as a whole of deploying Special Forces units for operations that the more conventional branches of the army can execute. There are also recorded criticisms, such as is expanded in the book “Oppose Any Foe” by Mark Moyer, that the excessive glamorization of the US Army Special Forces tend to gloss over their many flops and failures. Moyar argued in his book that the grand heroism vested on the SOF units helps deflect scrutiny of some of the special-operations enterprise as a whole. The United States Army Special Forces, colloquially known as the Green Berets due to their distinctive service headgear, are a special operations force of the United States Army that are designed to deploy and execute nine doctrinal missions: unconventional warfare, foreign internal defense, direct action, counter-insurgency, special reconnaissance, counter-terrorism, information operations, counterproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and security force assistance via seven geographically focused groups. Yes, the revered US Special Operations Forces has not always excelled in every mission they executed. In fact, some of the unit’s failures are so disastrous they teach very little that’s new. Below are five of such US Special Forces flops:
The Makin Island Raiders On August 17, 1942, 211 of Marine Second Raider Battalion formed in April that same year, set out from two submarines to Makin Island, the home of a Japanese seaplane base. The raid 70-years ago was a first for the U.S. and a precursor to U.S. Special Operations forces that operate routinely from submarine assets. The strike, [which’s primary mission was to destroy Japanese installations] according to the US National Archives, was designed to divert Japanese attention from the U.S. landings on Guadalcanal and boost American morale. Unfortunately for the Battalion, the mission didn’t go as planned as the US marines were promptly discovered by the Japanese who engaged them in a firefight in what should have been a largely covert operation. The amphibious (submarine) landing had been very difficult due to rough seas, high surf, and the failure of many of the outboard motors. Lt. Col. Carlson who led the team decided to land all his men on one beach, rather than two beaches as originally planned. By the time the mission was over, little was gained and much was lost. The American raiders approached Makin in two submarines, Nautilus and Argonaut. When they surfaced, the men set out for shore in rubber boats amid heavy rains and a tumultuous sea. Most of the outboard motors on the boats failed, but somehow the men made it ashore. After suffering unexpected casualties, Col. Carlson and Maj. Roosevelt (Yes, President Roosevelt’s son) decided to abort the mission. But as the soldiers soon learned, withdrawing from Makin proved to be much harder than invading it. Outboard motors once again failed, and heavy surf capsized several boats, keeping many of the raiders on shore who couldn’t swim to the waiting submarines. A few boats made it to the submarines, but Carlson and about 120 men were stranded, most of them without weapons and weakened from their battle with the sea. The invasion of Makin Atoll by the Special Forces was described by the Washington Post as “a poignant, error-plagued raid against an isolated Japanese outpost with almost no strategic value. So many things went wrong that the Marines at one point tried to surrender to a Japanese garrison they had already wiped out.” All told, thirty of the Marines committed to the operation died, with many more injured. Hill 205: North Korea It was November, 1950 when a newly-formed Eight Ranger Battalion unit of the US armed forces embarked on a mission to capture and defend Hill 205 along the Chongchon River. The Ch'ŏngch'ŏn is a river of North Korea having its source in the Rangrim Mountains of Chagang Province and emptying into the Yellow Sea at Sinanju. Hoping to repeat the success of the earlier First Phase surprise attack Campaign against UN forces, the PVA 13th Army launched a series of surprise attacks along the river valley on the night of November 25, 1950 at the western half of the Second Phase Campaign, effectively destroying the Eighth United States Army's right flank while allowing PVA forces to move rapidly into UN rear areas. The losses at Chosin Reservoir had been painfully high for U.S. troops. The estimated 18,000 casualties included about 2,500 killed in action, 5,000 wounded and almost 8,000 who suffered from frostbite. But there were troops worse off still—the Chinese. The Eighth Army Ranger Company, also known as the 8213th Army Unit, was a Ranger light infantry company of the United States Army that was active during the Korean War. As a small Special Forces unit, it specialized in irregular warfare. The massively surprising counteroffensive by the Chinese forces who already contemplated and prepared for an invasion brought about disastrous losses for the American troops. The US regular army could have launched a similar level of performance as did the efforts of the US special unit who executed the Hill 205 mission. The Chinese infantry and artillery swamped the Rangers’ defenses during the night of November 25, in six separate assaults. Eighty-eight Rangers attacked Hill 205; forty-seven survived to defend it; only twenty-one left the hill alive. Eagle Claw: Iran Operation Eagle Claw, known as Operation Tabas in Iran, was a United States Armed Forces operation ordered by U.S. President Jimmy Carter to attempt to end the Iran hostage crisis by rescuing 52 embassy staff held captive at the Embassy of the United States, Tehran on 24 April 1980. President Carter’s government decided to use the services of Special Forces to free American hostages in Tehran instead of a conventional military attack or a coercive air campaign. Fifty-two American diplomats and citizens were held hostage for 444 days from November 4, 1979, to January 20, 1981, after a group of Iranian college students belonging to the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, who supported the Iranian Revolution, took over the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. On November 4, 1979, Iranian students seized the embassy and detained more than 50 Americans, ranging from the Chargé d'Affaires to the most junior members of the staff, as hostages. Operation Eagle Claw was essentially a failed mission by the U.S. military in April 1980 to rescue Americans who were held during the Iran hostage crisis. The mission highlighted deficiencies within the U.S. military command structure and led to the creation of the United States Special Operations Command (SOCOM). The operation involved a complex plan to land a team of US Army Rangers and Delta Force operatives near the embassy compound, incapacitate the Iranian guards, and then airlift the hostages out of the area very quickly before regular Iranian military could react. But the raid failed woefully, with the US operatives unable to succeed in their mission due to mechanical problems in the rescue choppers. The hostages were released on January 20, 1981, the day President Carter's term ended. While Carter had an "obsession" with finishing the matter before stepping down, the hostage-takers are thought to have wanted the release delayed as punishment for his perceived support for the Shah. The failed rescue mission was highly instrumental in President Carter’s 1980 presidential elections loss. Meanwhile, 8 American servicemen and 1 Iranian civilian was killed during hostage rescue attempt. The Grenada 3-Day War Grenada is a sovereign state in the West Indies in the Caribbean Sea at the southern end of the Grenadines island chain. In March 1983, President Reagan began issuing warnings about the threat posed to the United States and the Caribbean by the Soviet-Cuban militarization of the Caribbean, evident from the excessively long airplane runway being built and intelligence indicating increased Soviet interest in the island. It should be relatively easy for the United States to depose the government of Grenada in a concerted military assault. In fact, the whole conflict, when it was eventually executed, lasted only three days. But a lot of things went wrong for the US Special Forces unit that executed the mission in 1983. The Special Forces units of the US encountered several problematic situations including a barrage of unexpected antiaircraft fire against US Black Huck choppers when they made a nighttime attempt to take Richmond Hill Prison. Three Black Huck helicopters went down and three US Army rangers died from the imperiled air raid operation. Also, the Special Forces unit failed to anticipate the weather which led to the drowning of four Navy Seals on that October 23 night. According to War History Online, there was another incident during the operation in which U.S. aircraft targeting anti-aircraft guns unintentionally bombed a mental hospital, killing 18 people and adding unnecessarily to civilian casualties. These mistakes occurred largely due to lack of verified ground intelligence. All told, American forces sustained 19 killed and 116 wounded; Cuban forces sustained 25 killed, 59 wounded, and 638 combatants captured. Grenadian forces suffered 45 dead and 358 wounded; at least 24 civilians were also killed, 18 of whom died in the accidental bombing of a Grenadian mental hospital. Black Hawk Down: Mogadishu Initially, the US participated in the Somali civil war only on the grounds of humanitarian missions such as providing food and supplies to the civilian population. Unsurprisingly, the scope of the US in the region soon began to expand. This was during the US government transition from the administration of George H. W. Bush to President Bill Clinton who had little foreign policy experience at the time and did not have a clear vision of what he wanted with Somalia. Here is what preceded the Mogadishu conflict: In December 1992, U.S. President George H. W. Bush ordered the U.S. military to join the U.N. in a joint operation known as Operation Restore Hope, with the primary mission of restoring order in Somalia. The country was racked by civil war and a severe famine as it was ruled by a number of faction leaders; rival warlords who were preventing the distribution of humanitarian aid to thousands of starving Somalis. Somalia is Located in the Horn of Africa, this location is so important for oil shipment coming from gulf countries, and going to Asia, Africa, and Americas. Somalia has the longest sea shores in all Africa, and the government is not functioning well to defend it, and because of that there is pirates. So, a team of US Army Rangers and Delta Force operatives launched a combined air and land military campaign in 1993 targeting the top lieutenants of Mohammed Farah Aidid. Aidid was an Italian-trained military leader, often described as a warlord, and a naturalized American citizen who humiliated the United States in 1993. He is known for attacking UN troops, causing him to be named one of the main targets of the Unified Task Force. As it turned out, the combined air and land operation to apprehend Aidid’s top goons went awry rather quickly. By the time the melee was over, two US military choppers had crashed- one of them due to rocket grenade attacks- while the ground vehicles couldn’t find their way to the target at central Mogadishu. The American special forces soldiers suffered 19 fatalities, not counting the nearly a thousand of Somalis who died during the fight that lasted throughout the night. The Pentagon initially reported five American soldiers were killed, but the toll was actually 18 American soldiers dead and 73 wounded. The elder Mohamed Farrah Aidid continued his struggle for power, even declaring himself President of Somalia in 1995, a declaration no country recognized. He was shot in a battle against former allied warlords in July 1996 and died of a heart attack during surgery. Hussein was declared his father's successor at age 33. Each individual Special Forces operator represents years of intensive training, along with a rare set of physical, mental and emotional traits and that is what is lost every time a SOF operator is neutralized. While politicians may enjoy touting deployment of Special Forces unit for operations, the use of these units in conventional warfare often exposes them in situations where they cannot leverage their specialized trainings which may lead to surprising casualties that are not only amount to political and economic losses, but the loss of some of America’s finest. SEAL Team 6, officially known as United States Naval Special Warfare Development Group (DEVGRU), and Delta Force, officially known as 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (1st SFOD-D), are the most highly trained elite forces in the US military. The Green Berets have about as much street-cred as numbered SEALs and Force Recon, depending on who's doing the talking. Notably, Green Berets (Special Forces) have some of the toughest initial training in the entire military (at the risk of drawing the ire of SEALs and Marine Recon). For almost two decades, special operations forces have been constantly engaged in a wide range of missions, and demand for these elite troops seems endless. Yet the growing strains on this insular and elite cohort are showing, and it may be nearing a breaking point. Misconduct, indiscipline, and leadership failures are rising, and threaten the very foundations of the community. Unless the underlying reasons for these problems are addressed, America’s special operations forces will remain at risk of a major breakdown that jeopardizes their ability to conduct critical missions in the national interest.
The United States Special Forces are primarily soldiers with a high degree of physical and mental prowess, who are then selected for intensive trainings geared towards the capacity to achieve objectives that other soldiers simply cannot. Due to the high level of optimism and faith in this specially trained armed forces which may lead to misjudgments of tasks and underestimation of missions, the highly esteemed US Special Operations Forces (SOF) have encountered several failures and defeat. The United States of America has experimented with SOFs since World War 2. The high faith and optimism vested on the US Special Forces, though taken with a pinch of salt by civilians, are well-earned. The exploits and successes of SOFs are well known and documented, more recently the capture and assassination of Osama bin-Laden in Pakistan. However, the Special Forces unit of the US military sometimes draw the ire of personnel from US mainstream military who feel that the regular branches of the army lose their best human capital to the Special Forces unit, and the likelihood of SOFS enjoying better training resources. There has also been concerns over the cost to the army and the nation as a whole of deploying Special Forces units for operations that the more conventional branches of the army can execute. There are also recorded criticisms, such as is expanded in the book “Oppose Any Foe” by Mark Moyer, that the excessive glamorization of the US Army Special Forces tend to gloss over their many flops and failures. Moyar argued in his book that the grand heroism vested on the SOF units helps deflect scrutiny of some of the special-operations enterprise as a whole. The United States Army Special Forces, colloquially known as the Green Berets due to their distinctive service headgear, are a special operations force of the United States Army that are designed to deploy and execute nine doctrinal missions: unconventional warfare, foreign internal defense, direct action, counter-insurgency, special reconnaissance, counter-terrorism, information operations, counterproliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and security force assistance via seven geographically focused groups. Yes, the revered US Special Operations Forces has not always excelled in every mission they executed. In fact, some of the unit’s failures are so disastrous they teach very little that’s new. Below are five of such US Special Forces flops:
The Makin Island Raiders On August 17, 1942, 211 of Marine Second Raider Battalion formed in April that same year, set out from two submarines to Makin Island, the home of a Japanese seaplane base. The raid 70-years ago was a first for the U.S. and a precursor to U.S. Special Operations forces that operate routinely from submarine assets. The strike, [which’s primary mission was to destroy Japanese installations] according to the US National Archives, was designed to divert Japanese attention from the U.S. landings on Guadalcanal and boost American morale. Unfortunately for the Battalion, the mission didn’t go as planned as the US marines were promptly discovered by the Japanese who engaged them in a firefight in what should have been a largely covert operation. The amphibious (submarine) landing had been very difficult due to rough seas, high surf, and the failure of many of the outboard motors. Lt. Col. Carlson who led the team decided to land all his men on one beach, rather than two beaches as originally planned. By the time the mission was over, little was gained and much was lost. The American raiders approached Makin in two submarines, Nautilus and Argonaut. When they surfaced, the men set out for shore in rubber boats amid heavy rains and a tumultuous sea. Most of the outboard motors on the boats failed, but somehow the men made it ashore. After suffering unexpected casualties, Col. Carlson and Maj. Roosevelt (Yes, President Roosevelt’s son) decided to abort the mission. But as the soldiers soon learned, withdrawing from Makin proved to be much harder than invading it. Outboard motors once again failed, and heavy surf capsized several boats, keeping many of the raiders on shore who couldn’t swim to the waiting submarines. A few boats made it to the submarines, but Carlson and about 120 men were stranded, most of them without weapons and weakened from their battle with the sea. The invasion of Makin Atoll by the Special Forces was described by the Washington Post as “a poignant, error-plagued raid against an isolated Japanese outpost with almost no strategic value. So many things went wrong that the Marines at one point tried to surrender to a Japanese garrison they had already wiped out.” All told, thirty of the Marines committed to the operation died, with many more injured. Hill 205: North Korea It was November, 1950 when a newly-formed Eight Ranger Battalion unit of the US armed forces embarked on a mission to capture and defend Hill 205 along the Chongchon River. The Ch'ŏngch'ŏn is a river of North Korea having its source in the Rangrim Mountains of Chagang Province and emptying into the Yellow Sea at Sinanju. Hoping to repeat the success of the earlier First Phase surprise attack Campaign against UN forces, the PVA 13th Army launched a series of surprise attacks along the river valley on the night of November 25, 1950 at the western half of the Second Phase Campaign, effectively destroying the Eighth United States Army's right flank while allowing PVA forces to move rapidly into UN rear areas. The losses at Chosin Reservoir had been painfully high for U.S. troops. The estimated 18,000 casualties included about 2,500 killed in action, 5,000 wounded and almost 8,000 who suffered from frostbite. But there were troops worse off still—the Chinese. The Eighth Army Ranger Company, also known as the 8213th Army Unit, was a Ranger light infantry company of the United States Army that was active during the Korean War. As a small Special Forces unit, it specialized in irregular warfare. The massively surprising counteroffensive by the Chinese forces who already contemplated and prepared for an invasion brought about disastrous losses for the American troops. The US regular army could have launched a similar level of performance as did the efforts of the US special unit who executed the Hill 205 mission. The Chinese infantry and artillery swamped the Rangers’ defenses during the night of November 25, in six separate assaults. Eighty-eight Rangers attacked Hill 205; forty-seven survived to defend it; only twenty-one left the hill alive. Eagle Claw: Iran Operation Eagle Claw, known as Operation Tabas in Iran, was a United States Armed Forces operation ordered by U.S. President Jimmy Carter to attempt to end the Iran hostage crisis by rescuing 52 embassy staff held captive at the Embassy of the United States, Tehran on 24 April 1980. President Carter’s government decided to use the services of Special Forces to free American hostages in Tehran instead of a conventional military attack or a coercive air campaign. Fifty-two American diplomats and citizens were held hostage for 444 days from November 4, 1979, to January 20, 1981, after a group of Iranian college students belonging to the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, who supported the Iranian Revolution, took over the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. On November 4, 1979, Iranian students seized the embassy and detained more than 50 Americans, ranging from the Chargé d'Affaires to the most junior members of the staff, as hostages. Operation Eagle Claw was essentially a failed mission by the U.S. military in April 1980 to rescue Americans who were held during the Iran hostage crisis. The mission highlighted deficiencies within the U.S. military command structure and led to the creation of the United States Special Operations Command (SOCOM). The operation involved a complex plan to land a team of US Army Rangers and Delta Force operatives near the embassy compound, incapacitate the Iranian guards, and then airlift the hostages out of the area very quickly before regular Iranian military could react. But the raid failed woefully, with the US operatives unable to succeed in their mission due to mechanical problems in the rescue choppers. The hostages were released on January 20, 1981, the day President Carter's term ended. While Carter had an "obsession" with finishing the matter before stepping down, the hostage-takers are thought to have wanted the release delayed as punishment for his perceived support for the Shah. The failed rescue mission was highly instrumental in President Carter’s 1980 presidential elections loss. Meanwhile, 8 American servicemen and 1 Iranian civilian was killed during hostage rescue attempt. The Grenada 3-Day War Grenada is a sovereign state in the West Indies in the Caribbean Sea at the southern end of the Grenadines island chain. In March 1983, President Reagan began issuing warnings about the threat posed to the United States and the Caribbean by the Soviet-Cuban militarization of the Caribbean, evident from the excessively long airplane runway being built and intelligence indicating increased Soviet interest in the island. It should be relatively easy for the United States to depose the government of Grenada in a concerted military assault. In fact, the whole conflict, when it was eventually executed, lasted only three days. But a lot of things went wrong for the US Special Forces unit that executed the mission in 1983. The Special Forces units of the US encountered several problematic situations including a barrage of unexpected antiaircraft fire against US Black Huck choppers when they made a nighttime attempt to take Richmond Hill Prison. Three Black Huck helicopters went down and three US Army rangers died from the imperiled air raid operation. Also, the Special Forces unit failed to anticipate the weather which led to the drowning of four Navy Seals on that October 23 night. According to War History Online, there was another incident during the operation in which U.S. aircraft targeting anti-aircraft guns unintentionally bombed a mental hospital, killing 18 people and adding unnecessarily to civilian casualties. These mistakes occurred largely due to lack of verified ground intelligence. All told, American forces sustained 19 killed and 116 wounded; Cuban forces sustained 25 killed, 59 wounded, and 638 combatants captured. Grenadian forces suffered 45 dead and 358 wounded; at least 24 civilians were also killed, 18 of whom died in the accidental bombing of a Grenadian mental hospital. Black Hawk Down: Mogadishu Initially, the US participated in the Somali civil war only on the grounds of humanitarian missions such as providing food and supplies to the civilian population. Unsurprisingly, the scope of the US in the region soon began to expand. This was during the US government transition from the administration of George H. W. Bush to President Bill Clinton who had little foreign policy experience at the time and did not have a clear vision of what he wanted with Somalia. Here is what preceded the Mogadishu conflict: In December 1992, U.S. President George H. W. Bush ordered the U.S. military to join the U.N. in a joint operation known as Operation Restore Hope, with the primary mission of restoring order in Somalia. The country was racked by civil war and a severe famine as it was ruled by a number of faction leaders; rival warlords who were preventing the distribution of humanitarian aid to thousands of starving Somalis. Somalia is Located in the Horn of Africa, this location is so important for oil shipment coming from gulf countries, and going to Asia, Africa, and Americas. Somalia has the longest sea shores in all Africa, and the government is not functioning well to defend it, and because of that there is pirates. So, a team of US Army Rangers and Delta Force operatives launched a combined air and land military campaign in 1993 targeting the top lieutenants of Mohammed Farah Aidid. Aidid was an Italian-trained military leader, often described as a warlord, and a naturalized American citizen who humiliated the United States in 1993. He is known for attacking UN troops, causing him to be named one of the main targets of the Unified Task Force. As it turned out, the combined air and land operation to apprehend Aidid’s top goons went awry rather quickly. By the time the melee was over, two US military choppers had crashed- one of them due to rocket grenade attacks- while the ground vehicles couldn’t find their way to the target at central Mogadishu. The American special forces soldiers suffered 19 fatalities, not counting the nearly a thousand of Somalis who died during the fight that lasted throughout the night. The Pentagon initially reported five American soldiers were killed, but the toll was actually 18 American soldiers dead and 73 wounded. The elder Mohamed Farrah Aidid continued his struggle for power, even declaring himself President of Somalia in 1995, a declaration no country recognized. He was shot in a battle against former allied warlords in July 1996 and died of a heart attack during surgery. Hussein was declared his father's successor at age 33. Each individual Special Forces operator represents years of intensive training, along with a rare set of physical, mental and emotional traits and that is what is lost every time a SOF operator is neutralized. While politicians may enjoy touting deployment of Special Forces unit for operations, the use of these units in conventional warfare often exposes them in situations where they cannot leverage their specialized trainings which may lead to surprising casualties that are not only amount to political and economic losses, but the loss of some of America’s finest. SEAL Team 6, officially known as United States Naval Special Warfare Development Group (DEVGRU), and Delta Force, officially known as 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (1st SFOD-D), are the most highly trained elite forces in the US military. The Green Berets have about as much street-cred as numbered SEALs and Force Recon, depending on who's doing the talking. Notably, Green Berets (Special Forces) have some of the toughest initial training in the entire military (at the risk of drawing the ire of SEALs and Marine Recon). For almost two decades, special operations forces have been constantly engaged in a wide range of missions, and demand for these elite troops seems endless. Yet the growing strains on this insular and elite cohort are showing, and it may be nearing a breaking point. Misconduct, indiscipline, and leadership failures are rising, and threaten the very foundations of the community. Unless the underlying reasons for these problems are addressed, America’s special operations forces will remain at risk of a major breakdown that jeopardizes their ability to conduct critical missions in the national interest.
Backlash against Asian American woman married to ex-cop in George Floyd case reveals disturbing truth
NBC News
As more details around the death of George Floyd, a Black man who died at the hands of white former Minneapolis police Officer Derek Chauvin, are revealed, other developments, including the Hmong American identity of Chauvin’s wife, Kellie, have also come to the fore. It’s prompted chatter — as well as a spate of hateful remarks —in the Asian American community around interracial relationships.
The ex-officer is currently facing charges of second-degree murder, third-degree murder and manslaughter in Floyd’s death. The day after his arrest in May, Kellie Chauvin filed for divorce citing that "there has been an irretrievable breakdown of the marriage relationship of the parties within the definition of" Minnesota statutes. She also indicated her intention to change her name.
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The interracial nature of the Chauvins’ marriage has also stirred up some strong feelings towards Kellie Chauvin from many, including Asian American men, for her relationship to a white man, including accusations of self-loathing and complicity with white supremacy. Some on the internet have labeled her a “self-hating Asian.” Others have concluded her marriage was a tool to gain social standing in the U.S., and several social media users on Asian American message boards dominated by men have dubbed her a “Lu,” a slang term often used to describe Asian women who are in relationships with white men as a form of white worship.
Many experts feel the reaction is symptomatic of attitudes that many in the community, especially certain men, have held toward women in interracial relationships, particularly with white men. It’s the unfortunate result of a complicated, layered web spun from the historical emasculation of Asian men, fetishization of Asian women and the collision of sexism and racism in the U.S.
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Sung Yeon Choimorrow, executive director of the nonprofit National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum, told NBC Asian America that by passing judgment on Asian women's interracial relationships without context or details essentially removes their independence. “The assumption is that an Asian woman who is married to a white man, she's living some sort of stereotype of a submissive Asian woman, who’s internalizing racism and wanting to be white or being closer to white or whatever,” she said. That belief, Choimorrow added, “just goes with the whole idea that somehow we don't have a right to live our lives the way we want to.”
Very little about the Chauvins’ marriage has been revealed to the public. Kellie, who came to the U.S. as a refugee, mentioned a few details in a 2018 interview with Twin Cities Pioneer Press before becoming Mrs. Minnesota America that same year. She explained she had previously been in an arranged marriage in which she endured domestic abuse. She met the former police officer while she was working in the emergency room of Hennepin County Medical Center in Minneapolis. The Hmong American is hardly the only Asian woman who has been the target of these comments. In 2018, “Fresh Off the Boat” actress Constance Wu opened up about the anger she received from Asian men — specifically “MRAsians,” an Asian American play on the term “men’s rights activists" — for having dated a white man. Wu, who also starred in the Asian American culturally impactful rom-com “Crazy Rich Asians,” was included in a widely circulated meme that, in part, attacked the female cast members for relationships with white men.
Experts pointed out that the underlying rhetoric isn’t confined to message boards or solely the darker corners of the internet. It’s rife throughout Asian American communities, and Asian women have long endured judgement and harassment for their relationship choices. Choimorrow notes it’s become a sort of "locker room talk" among many men in the racial group. "It's not [just] incel, Reddit conversations,” Choimorrow said. “I'm hearing this amongst people daily.”
But sociologist Nancy Wang Yuen, a scholar focused on Asian American media representation, pointed out that the origins of such anger have some validity. The roots lie in the emasculation of Asian American men, a practice whose history dates back to the 1800s and early 1900s in what is referred to today as the “bachelor society,” Yuen said. That time period marked some of the first waves of immigration from Asia to the U.S. as Chinese workers were recruited to build the transcontinental railroad.
One of the preliminary immigrant groups of Filipinos, dubbed the “manong generation,” also arrived in the country a few decades later. While Asian men made their way stateside, women largely remained in Asia. Yuen noted that simultaneously, limits on Asian female immigration were instituted via the Page Act of 1875, which banned the importation of women “for the purpose of prostitution.” According to research published in The Modern American, the legislation may have been meant to cut off prostitution, but it was often weaponized to keep any Asian woman from entering the country, as it granted immigration officers the authority to determine whether a woman was of “high moral character.”
Moreover, antimiscegenation laws, or bans on interracial unions, kept Asian men from marrying other races, Yuen noted. It wasn’t until the 1967 case, Loving v. Virginia, that such legislation was declared unconstitutional. “Americans thought of [Asian men] as emasculated,” she said. “They’re not perceived as virile because there’s no women. Because of immigration laws, there was a whole bachelor society … and so you have all these different kinds of Asian men in the United States who did not have partners.”
As the image of Asian men was once, in part, the architecture of racist legislation, the sexless, undesirable trope was further confirmed by Hollywood depictions of the race. Even heartthrob Japanese actor Sessue Hayakawa, who did experience appeal from white women, was utilized to show Asian men as sexual threats during a period of rising anti-Japanese sentiment. Often, these portrayals of both men and women evolved with war, Yuen added. For example, the sexualization of Asian women on screen was heightened after the Vietnam War due to prostitution and sex trafficking that American military men often took part in. Stanley Kubrick’s 1987 film “Full Metal Jacket” infamously perpetuates the stereotype of women as sexual deviants with a scene featuring a Vietnamese sex worker exclaiming, “Me so horny.” “[Asian women] were seen as the spoils of war and Asian men were seen as threats,” she said. “So always seeing them as either an enemy to be conquered or an enemy to be feared, all that has to do with the stereotypes of Asian men and women.”
Yuen is quick to point out that Asian women, who possessed very little decision-making power throughout U.S. history, were neither behind the legislation nor the narratives in the American entertainment industry. The historical emasculation of Asian men stings to this day. A study from OkCupid found that Asian men were ranked least desirable among all demographics. Another study found that the majority of its Asian American female respondents reported their attraction, from a young age, was overwhelmingly to European American boys. Sociologist Pawan Dhingra, a professor of American studies at Amherst College, said this is in part due to the fact that Asian American women were not only consumers of Western media that perpetuated such stereotypes about Asian men while romanticizing the sensitive, “masculine” white man, they also internalized some cultural baggage from the often-patriarchal societies of their heritages. “It comes from a set of assumptions we internalize ourselves. We see immigrant parents, or relationships between men and women in the homeland, that might be more traditional gender roles,” Dhingra said. “We assume that it applies to all people of our background, even no matter where they grew up.”
However, directing anger toward Asian women for their interracial relationships uncovers a host of problematic underlying beliefs, experts said. Some of the vitriol stems from erroneous assumptions that because women are seen as more sexually desirable, they are therefore more privileged. Anthony Ocampo — a sociologist who focuses on race, immigration and LGBTQ issues — bluntly referred to that particular argument as “unbelievably stupid.” “Privilege is the ability to navigate the social world and experience social mobility without your identity hampering your journey. In what world do you see Asian women getting frontrunners for public office, being tapped to be CEOs of companies, to be considered for leads in Hollywood movies?” the scholar said. “Sure, Asian men aren't being tapped for these opportunities either, but Asian women aren't the problem — white gatekeepers are.”
Moreover, Choimorrow said the idea that Asian women are more privileged ignores the dangerous byproducts of their fetishization. This includes not only the dehumanization of these women, but also the susceptibility to harassment and violence due to the submissive stereotype. From "21 to 55 percent of Asian women in the U.S. report experiencing intimate physical and/or sexual violence during their lifetime," the Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence reported. The range is based on a compilation of studies of disaggregated samples of Asian ethnicities in local communities. The National Sexual Violence Resource Center reported that about 1 in 5 women in the U.S. overall have experienced completed or attempted rape during her lifetime. “I just hate this whole Olympics of the oppressed,” Choimorrow said. “I just think it’s such a short-sighted approach. Dude, you don't walk out every day worrying about your physical safety.
For women, that’s exactly what we worry about when we walk out our door.” Yuen echoed her thoughts, adding, “Just because Asian women don't share the same kinds of challenges as Asian men doesn't mean that they should be held to a different standard or at their struggle within the racial sexual politics of the United States. It isn’t any less valid.” Dhingra also acknowledged that there lies a double standard when it comes to Asian women, leading the group to be judged more harshly than their male peers. He explained that it comes down to a uniquely racialized brand of sexism. Being in relationships with other Asian Americans has been seen as a sort of litmus test for how “committed” one is to the race. Additionally, because of the existing stereotype of Asian women as submissive, particularly to white men, the sight of an Asian woman in an interracial relationship can trigger the idea that she is perpetuating existing stereotypes. He explained that there’s a perception that Asian women are reproducing racism toward Asian men and affirming the idea that they’re not worth dating. He said the collision of sexism and racism has made it so that there’s a stricter, more unfair dynamic placed on Asian American women.
The burden placed on Asian American women to date within their own race also presents another problematic idea: that women are still thought of as property, Choimorrow noted. It’s just another form of toxic masculinity, she said, as the expectation that Asian women date Asian men means there is no agency in their dating choices. It’s a mentality that has been inherited through our heritages, she said. “Even in Korea, as a woman, your value isn't so much as you are marriageable,” she said. “So many of our cultures have these things very deeply ingrained in the way we value and think about women.” Little has changed, Choimorrow believes. Even as many Asian Americans continue to fight for racial justice, some ideas have been slow to evolve. “Especially in the progressive circles, they're focused on their oppression as a racial minority, that they often don't think about what they're perpetuating as men,” she said.
The undue pressure toward Asian American women to “fix” the existing structures is not productive in helping mend the reductive perceptions of Asian men, Ocampo said. Simply put, “You don't need to subjugate women, including Asian women, to feel sexy. That's just f------ lame.” Dhingra is adamant that no assumptions should be made about any couple’s racial dynamic, particularly if there’s no personal connection to the couple. But he also emphasized that people need to push back on the perpetuation of the problematic ideas in society that devalue Asian Americans while upholding whiteness. Ocampo had similar thoughts, explaining that more people should be demanding more complicated Asian male characters on screen, rather than those who fit “some perfectly chiseled IG model aesthetic,” he said, referencing carefully curated photos from models on Instagram.
While there are many social reasons for why we value whiteness that Dhingra said are “pretty messed up,” Asian Americans should seek to dismantle them and thus “get to the point where we have more confidence when people do form interracial relationships, because we actually care about that particular individual as a person.”
As more details around the death of George Floyd, a Black man who died at the hands of white former Minneapolis police Officer Derek Chauvin, are revealed, other developments, including the Hmong American identity of Chauvin’s wife, Kellie, have also come to the fore. It’s prompted chatter — as well as a spate of hateful remarks —in the Asian American community around interracial relationships.
The ex-officer is currently facing charges of second-degree murder, third-degree murder and manslaughter in Floyd’s death. The day after his arrest in May, Kellie Chauvin filed for divorce citing that "there has been an irretrievable breakdown of the marriage relationship of the parties within the definition of" Minnesota statutes. She also indicated her intention to change her name.
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The interracial nature of the Chauvins’ marriage has also stirred up some strong feelings towards Kellie Chauvin from many, including Asian American men, for her relationship to a white man, including accusations of self-loathing and complicity with white supremacy. Some on the internet have labeled her a “self-hating Asian.” Others have concluded her marriage was a tool to gain social standing in the U.S., and several social media users on Asian American message boards dominated by men have dubbed her a “Lu,” a slang term often used to describe Asian women who are in relationships with white men as a form of white worship.
Many experts feel the reaction is symptomatic of attitudes that many in the community, especially certain men, have held toward women in interracial relationships, particularly with white men. It’s the unfortunate result of a complicated, layered web spun from the historical emasculation of Asian men, fetishization of Asian women and the collision of sexism and racism in the U.S.
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Sung Yeon Choimorrow, executive director of the nonprofit National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum, told NBC Asian America that by passing judgment on Asian women's interracial relationships without context or details essentially removes their independence. “The assumption is that an Asian woman who is married to a white man, she's living some sort of stereotype of a submissive Asian woman, who’s internalizing racism and wanting to be white or being closer to white or whatever,” she said. That belief, Choimorrow added, “just goes with the whole idea that somehow we don't have a right to live our lives the way we want to.”
Very little about the Chauvins’ marriage has been revealed to the public. Kellie, who came to the U.S. as a refugee, mentioned a few details in a 2018 interview with Twin Cities Pioneer Press before becoming Mrs. Minnesota America that same year. She explained she had previously been in an arranged marriage in which she endured domestic abuse. She met the former police officer while she was working in the emergency room of Hennepin County Medical Center in Minneapolis. The Hmong American is hardly the only Asian woman who has been the target of these comments. In 2018, “Fresh Off the Boat” actress Constance Wu opened up about the anger she received from Asian men — specifically “MRAsians,” an Asian American play on the term “men’s rights activists" — for having dated a white man. Wu, who also starred in the Asian American culturally impactful rom-com “Crazy Rich Asians,” was included in a widely circulated meme that, in part, attacked the female cast members for relationships with white men.
Experts pointed out that the underlying rhetoric isn’t confined to message boards or solely the darker corners of the internet. It’s rife throughout Asian American communities, and Asian women have long endured judgement and harassment for their relationship choices. Choimorrow notes it’s become a sort of "locker room talk" among many men in the racial group. "It's not [just] incel, Reddit conversations,” Choimorrow said. “I'm hearing this amongst people daily.”
But sociologist Nancy Wang Yuen, a scholar focused on Asian American media representation, pointed out that the origins of such anger have some validity. The roots lie in the emasculation of Asian American men, a practice whose history dates back to the 1800s and early 1900s in what is referred to today as the “bachelor society,” Yuen said. That time period marked some of the first waves of immigration from Asia to the U.S. as Chinese workers were recruited to build the transcontinental railroad.
One of the preliminary immigrant groups of Filipinos, dubbed the “manong generation,” also arrived in the country a few decades later. While Asian men made their way stateside, women largely remained in Asia. Yuen noted that simultaneously, limits on Asian female immigration were instituted via the Page Act of 1875, which banned the importation of women “for the purpose of prostitution.” According to research published in The Modern American, the legislation may have been meant to cut off prostitution, but it was often weaponized to keep any Asian woman from entering the country, as it granted immigration officers the authority to determine whether a woman was of “high moral character.”
Moreover, antimiscegenation laws, or bans on interracial unions, kept Asian men from marrying other races, Yuen noted. It wasn’t until the 1967 case, Loving v. Virginia, that such legislation was declared unconstitutional. “Americans thought of [Asian men] as emasculated,” she said. “They’re not perceived as virile because there’s no women. Because of immigration laws, there was a whole bachelor society … and so you have all these different kinds of Asian men in the United States who did not have partners.”
As the image of Asian men was once, in part, the architecture of racist legislation, the sexless, undesirable trope was further confirmed by Hollywood depictions of the race. Even heartthrob Japanese actor Sessue Hayakawa, who did experience appeal from white women, was utilized to show Asian men as sexual threats during a period of rising anti-Japanese sentiment. Often, these portrayals of both men and women evolved with war, Yuen added. For example, the sexualization of Asian women on screen was heightened after the Vietnam War due to prostitution and sex trafficking that American military men often took part in. Stanley Kubrick’s 1987 film “Full Metal Jacket” infamously perpetuates the stereotype of women as sexual deviants with a scene featuring a Vietnamese sex worker exclaiming, “Me so horny.” “[Asian women] were seen as the spoils of war and Asian men were seen as threats,” she said. “So always seeing them as either an enemy to be conquered or an enemy to be feared, all that has to do with the stereotypes of Asian men and women.”
Yuen is quick to point out that Asian women, who possessed very little decision-making power throughout U.S. history, were neither behind the legislation nor the narratives in the American entertainment industry. The historical emasculation of Asian men stings to this day. A study from OkCupid found that Asian men were ranked least desirable among all demographics. Another study found that the majority of its Asian American female respondents reported their attraction, from a young age, was overwhelmingly to European American boys. Sociologist Pawan Dhingra, a professor of American studies at Amherst College, said this is in part due to the fact that Asian American women were not only consumers of Western media that perpetuated such stereotypes about Asian men while romanticizing the sensitive, “masculine” white man, they also internalized some cultural baggage from the often-patriarchal societies of their heritages. “It comes from a set of assumptions we internalize ourselves. We see immigrant parents, or relationships between men and women in the homeland, that might be more traditional gender roles,” Dhingra said. “We assume that it applies to all people of our background, even no matter where they grew up.”
However, directing anger toward Asian women for their interracial relationships uncovers a host of problematic underlying beliefs, experts said. Some of the vitriol stems from erroneous assumptions that because women are seen as more sexually desirable, they are therefore more privileged. Anthony Ocampo — a sociologist who focuses on race, immigration and LGBTQ issues — bluntly referred to that particular argument as “unbelievably stupid.” “Privilege is the ability to navigate the social world and experience social mobility without your identity hampering your journey. In what world do you see Asian women getting frontrunners for public office, being tapped to be CEOs of companies, to be considered for leads in Hollywood movies?” the scholar said. “Sure, Asian men aren't being tapped for these opportunities either, but Asian women aren't the problem — white gatekeepers are.”
Moreover, Choimorrow said the idea that Asian women are more privileged ignores the dangerous byproducts of their fetishization. This includes not only the dehumanization of these women, but also the susceptibility to harassment and violence due to the submissive stereotype. From "21 to 55 percent of Asian women in the U.S. report experiencing intimate physical and/or sexual violence during their lifetime," the Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence reported. The range is based on a compilation of studies of disaggregated samples of Asian ethnicities in local communities. The National Sexual Violence Resource Center reported that about 1 in 5 women in the U.S. overall have experienced completed or attempted rape during her lifetime. “I just hate this whole Olympics of the oppressed,” Choimorrow said. “I just think it’s such a short-sighted approach. Dude, you don't walk out every day worrying about your physical safety.
For women, that’s exactly what we worry about when we walk out our door.” Yuen echoed her thoughts, adding, “Just because Asian women don't share the same kinds of challenges as Asian men doesn't mean that they should be held to a different standard or at their struggle within the racial sexual politics of the United States. It isn’t any less valid.” Dhingra also acknowledged that there lies a double standard when it comes to Asian women, leading the group to be judged more harshly than their male peers. He explained that it comes down to a uniquely racialized brand of sexism. Being in relationships with other Asian Americans has been seen as a sort of litmus test for how “committed” one is to the race. Additionally, because of the existing stereotype of Asian women as submissive, particularly to white men, the sight of an Asian woman in an interracial relationship can trigger the idea that she is perpetuating existing stereotypes. He explained that there’s a perception that Asian women are reproducing racism toward Asian men and affirming the idea that they’re not worth dating. He said the collision of sexism and racism has made it so that there’s a stricter, more unfair dynamic placed on Asian American women.
The burden placed on Asian American women to date within their own race also presents another problematic idea: that women are still thought of as property, Choimorrow noted. It’s just another form of toxic masculinity, she said, as the expectation that Asian women date Asian men means there is no agency in their dating choices. It’s a mentality that has been inherited through our heritages, she said. “Even in Korea, as a woman, your value isn't so much as you are marriageable,” she said. “So many of our cultures have these things very deeply ingrained in the way we value and think about women.” Little has changed, Choimorrow believes. Even as many Asian Americans continue to fight for racial justice, some ideas have been slow to evolve. “Especially in the progressive circles, they're focused on their oppression as a racial minority, that they often don't think about what they're perpetuating as men,” she said.
The undue pressure toward Asian American women to “fix” the existing structures is not productive in helping mend the reductive perceptions of Asian men, Ocampo said. Simply put, “You don't need to subjugate women, including Asian women, to feel sexy. That's just f------ lame.” Dhingra is adamant that no assumptions should be made about any couple’s racial dynamic, particularly if there’s no personal connection to the couple. But he also emphasized that people need to push back on the perpetuation of the problematic ideas in society that devalue Asian Americans while upholding whiteness. Ocampo had similar thoughts, explaining that more people should be demanding more complicated Asian male characters on screen, rather than those who fit “some perfectly chiseled IG model aesthetic,” he said, referencing carefully curated photos from models on Instagram.
While there are many social reasons for why we value whiteness that Dhingra said are “pretty messed up,” Asian Americans should seek to dismantle them and thus “get to the point where we have more confidence when people do form interracial relationships, because we actually care about that particular individual as a person.”
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